Money
laundered through the world's financial system has now reached
stratospheric levels, trillions rather than billions. Fresh
figures from the International Monetary Fund put it at the
$2 trillion mark. But when you include the cost of fighting
money laundering, the number reaches $2.5 trillion. That is
approaching 10 per cent of global GDP, according to the IMF.
These numbers indicate the amount of global crime where there is a financial
component. That includes everything from tax evasion and very basic fiddles
to money made from computer-game counterfeiting, people-smuggling and drug-dealing.
Big-time launderers pay heavily to deceive police, banks and tax authorities.
They hire lawyers, accountants and bankers to make and launder illegal cash
to ensure its entry into the legal economy.
City
professionals are easily tempted. Many of those who co-operated
with the corrupt Bank of Credit and Commerce International
came from leading firms. When push came to shove, ethics
went by the board and they joined the ranks of sleazy money
launderers.
The offshore world provides the funnel for most
offshore money. This reservoir of anonymous accounts and
bogus banks is accessed by institutions for both genuine
and illicit purposes. Money passes from account to account
to acquire a genuine appearance. It is likely to reach the
City of London after a long journey to obtain the City's
stamp of blue-chip credibility. For many, that is the final
stop. Taking peddlers of dirty money out of the system, and
out of London, challenges the Financial Services Authority
on a daily basis.
Identification checks on small-time bank
customers keep compliance officers in jobs but yield few
clues about laundering. An organised criminal worth his salt
can mock up, or purchase, a utility bill or passport.
No
wonder some suggest the checks are put there as a Revenue
ploy to catch tax dodgers. Banks don't think the checks are
funny. Sir John Bond, chairman of HSBC, was not laughing
when he said his bank's annual compliance bill is £400m.
The bureaucracy that haunts the
system is resented by the banks. Heavy spending on computers, software
and staff yields few money laundering convictions. In theory,
unusual payments or deposits, the surprise transfer of funds,
or a suspect name will enable regulators, banks and investigators
to intercept the money along the way. Red flags alert banks
which, in turn, alert the financial police. In practice, the
system is faster than the checks. Globalisation benefits all
of us, crooks included.
Terrorist money taxes the system even
more. Small amounts of charitable money raise no red flags
in banks or police computers. At best, the money's source may
yield a clue. Dispatches from a Middle Eastern or East African
bank and bearing Islamic names might alert an official somewhere.
Stopping it in mid-track is possible but catching the payee
or the recipient almost impossible.
Electronic financial systems
move too quickly for hide-bound compliance. This is reflected
in the tiny amounts confiscated from terrorists. Breaking into
the system today is no harder than breaking into a bank, and
perhaps easier. The criminal who possesses black money fabricates
an explanation to make the source look genuine. Corrupt elements
in the financial system are persuaded by a good story. That
story gains credibility in the telling. As more financial institutions
handle money with dirty origins, those origins are lost.
Money
launderers fall into four key groups: global corporations engaged
in fraud; corrupt governments and their politicians who accept
bribes; organised criminals who trade in drugs and other illegal
goods; and terrorists. These are nebulous forces, and there will
be those who say much talk of global money-laundering is fuelled
by paranoia and even hysteria. But tyrants have triumphed
by having their money laundered, drug gangs have ruined countries
by passing their money through complicit banks, terrorists
have waged wars on the financial system to fund their outrages
and companies have made themselves available to organised
criminals.
Those who perpetrate bankruptcies, frauds, huge share
scams and bogus schemes such as Enron and WorldCom exploit the
system's crevices. Structures of governance and trust are lost,
undermining the integrity of those who administer a country's economy.
When these key roles are suborned by bankers in smart suits, as
well as crooks and conmen, participants in the economic system
are weakened.
Global corporations have key roles in the laundering
chain. They provide the services to move black money. Criminals
and corrupt politicians in developing countries and the former
Soviet Union look to western banks for a huge array of devices
including offshore companies and tax structures, false names
for their bank accounts, and lawyers and accountants for
their complex financial structures.
Competitive pressures spread
into risky new markets and deals with criminal counter-parties
drive banks to abuse. The taint of corruption is unavoidable
when doing business in many parts of the world. An enforcement
vacuum found in many developing countries draws in the criminal
fraternity.
The criminal who makes the break through into respectability
can determine the conditions under which western companies
do business. Trade with these criminal entities becomes a condition
of entry into the country. Launderers understand the system
at least as well as those who work in it legitimately. The
language of the legitimate system enables them to explain the
provenance of their wealth. Technical developments such as
the global electronic movement of money and complex financial
derivatives turn black money into grey.
Police forces lack
many of the means to pursue funds as they cross borders or
move at speed round financial or governmental institutions.
Corrupt money mingled with legal funds complicates the issue.
Corruption fuels money-laundering. Bribery puts dirty money
into the hands of politicians, but corrupt politicians are
exposed to extortion from mafiosos. Those may be small-time
hoodlums or oligarchs (including, most dramatically, but not
exclusively, Russians). The two forms of black money-transfer
link together seamlessly.
Money launderers operating on this
global scale have great intellectual ability. They are also
intriguing and complex personalities. Other Russian money launderers
have demonstrated considerable intellectual ability before
turning their cerebral firepower towards breaking down the
financial system's controls.
Mafia who have gained access to
newly privatised state industries in countries experiencing
political change are pursued by the West. Financial manipulation
can be institutionalised, as demonstrated by the speed and
efficiency with which the West has absorbed capital released
from the bankrupt former Soviet Union. Established banks
in the West collaborated with some dubious operators in Russia
under the noses of politicians both in Russia and in the
United States.
Intelligence agencies, such as the CIA, handling
and distributing black money for governments, influence unstable
regimes. These shadowy groups are arguably among the most
active of all money launderers. The financial resources possessed
by Oliver North, the architect of the Iran-Contra affair
in the 1980s, put him in the top echelon of money launderers.
The proceeds of the drugs trade or other contraband finance
organised crime groups. The more established parts of organised
criminal gangs seek to make investments in the 'legitimate'
economy, by buying companies or real estate. The less established
parts are likely to trade in illegal arms where commissions
and profits are massive.
The cash economy is still the criminal's
bulwark. Talk of 'dematerialisation', that is, turning money
into digits and bytes, has not stopped the movement of dollar
bills across borders the world over. Couriers operating for
drug dealers or terrorists are routinely caught with dollar
bills or large-denomination euro notes strapped round their
torsos. Launderers took a leaf from the drug dealers' book
in devising systems for moving money.
Groups perpetrating
political violence are key customers for arms dealers. The
red flags of criminal money-making differ from those thrown
up by terrorist money-making, because the first shows exploitation
of the financial system for acquisitive ends. Most terrorist
money, on the other hand, is spent in the black market buying
arms.
Intelligence agencies working in conjunction with police
are likely to be more effective in stopping terrorist trades
than banks. They are better-placed to understand the political
strategy of the terrorist group.
Banks can see the upshot
of the strategy in the form of a money movement from a suspicious
source, but by the time they have seen the money move the
banks have lost the plot. The financial system that they
created has beaten them.
Dirty business
The 10 most common sources of laundered
money. (US $)
US 1.3 trillion
Italy 150bn
Russia 147bn
China 131bn
Germany 128bn
France 124bn
Romania 115bn
Canada 82bn
UK 69bn
Hong
Kong 63bn
(Source: John
Walker Crime Trends Analysis)
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